Fair Representation in Global Decision-Making
pg. 40: An agenda of international institution building and modernization in these and other areas would go a long way towards satisfying the legitimate aspirations of developing and emerging economies for sustainable development and fair representation in global decision-making, thereby providing their leaders the additional political space necessary for them to make the meaningful additional climate and market access commitments on which the success of the UNFCCC and WTO negotiations depend.
Readers' Guide Comment on “An agenda of international institution building . . . would go a long way towards satisfying the legitimate aspirations of developing and emerging economies for sustainable development and fair representation in global decision-making”
The phrase ‘agenda for international institution building’ is likely to be read differently by different communities. In the political community and the academic community, “international institution building” is usually taken to mean an intergovernmental body supported by an international secretariat. As WEF has not recommended new intergovernmental bodies, it presumably includes in its use of the phrase ‘international institution building’ all its calls for public private partnerships and multi-stakeholder governance arrangements.
Readers' Guide Comment on “to make the meaningful additional climate and market access commitments on which the success of the UNFCCC and WTO negotiations depend”
This proposal anticipates tradeoffs between the negotiations for new climate change agreement and the negotiations for the Doha Trade Round. No major OECD country, corporation, or international NGO has advocated for such a complex trade off. Everybody’s Business, unfortunately, does not lay out how a climate agreement could be packaged along with a trade agreement, nor does it explain which features of a trade agreement could be modified to gain approval of a climate agreement.
Even if it is not the GRI’s intention to be vague, what is significant is that GRI does not explain at all how a combined climate and trade negotiation approach could possibly satisfy the aspirations of the developing world or emerging economies. This is a serious omission, as it is one of the few explicit new organizational recommendations of Building Block Two.
The Readers' Guide welcomes comments with alternative examples or counter examples, supplemental assessments of the extracted GRI text or commentary – critical or otherwise – of the above interpretation of GRI’s perspective.